Inequity
in decision-making structures
Inequities in power lead to inequities in
people's ability to influence decisions affecting
their environment. Many of the tools of analysis
being promoted for environmental decision-making do
not pay adequate attention to distributional
issues. Cost&endash;benefit analysis is one example
(discussed in part 2). It does not take into
consideration how the costs and benefits are
distributed&emdash;that is, who bears the costs and
who gains the benefits. Environmental impact
statements, which can include cost&endash;benefit
analyses, look at the costs and benefits in
aggregate; a project is said to be justified if the
total benefits outweigh the total costs. It is
argued that such distributional concerns are beyond
the scope of cost&endash;benefit analysis, and that
compensation for those who lose out is a political
matter. Yet if an EIS does not consider the
distribution of costs and benefits, it could be
said that it is covering up the politics of the
project.
It has also been argued that existing
decision-making structures do not represent all
sectors of society. Robert Bullard (1992) argues
that environmental racism in the USA involves
excluding coloured people from decision-making
bodies, such as boards and city councils and
industrial commissions. In Australia, various
groups&emdash;including Aborigines, migrants, young
people and women&emdash;have also complained that
they are underrepresented in the decision-making
process.
Valerie Brown and Margaret Switzer (1991) have
argued that the debate on sustainable development
in Australia has left women out by ignoring women's
industries, paying scant attention to the household
sector and having very few women on the ESD working
groups. They point out that women tend to make up
the majority of people in the low-income groups in
most countries, and are therefore among the first
to feel the impacts of inequities arising from
environmental problems and measures to alleviate
them. Brown and Switzer point out that women tend
to place higher priority on combating pollution,
and on nature conservation and social and
environmental issues than men, who tend to place
more priority on economic issues. They argue that
'a national ESD strategy cannot be effectively
implemented without the informed participation of
women' (p. 4).
The need for more public participation in
achieving sustainable development is generally
recognised in principle but tends to be neglected
in practice. The public consultation process
associated with the ESD working groups was
manifestly inadequate. The draft working group
reports were open for public comment for a short
time, during which a series of 'community
consultation forums' were held. One-day forums were
held in all the capital cities as well as Bendigo,
Albany, Dubbo and Rockhampton. At each forum there
were a limited number of topics for discussion. For
example, those attending the Sydney forum were able
to choose one of three topics to discuss:
'sustainable cities', 'industry and the
environment&emdash;end of pipeline solutions vs
clean technology', or 'energy use and abuse'. They
were divided into very small groups for this
discussion, and did not have an opportunity to
express their concerns directly to the ESD working
group members. Apart from this very limited
opportunity, which was supposed to suffice the
three million to four million people living in the
Sydney area, the only other input an individual
could make was through a written submission.
Source: Beder, Sharon, The Nature of Sustainable
Development, 2nd ed., Scribe, Newham, 1996, pp.
166-185.
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